Chapter One
A Hot Tub in Las Vegas
When Congressman Charlie Wilson set off for a weekend in Las Vegas on June 27,
1980, there was no confusion in his mind about why he had chosen to stay at
Caesars Palace. He was a man in search of pure decadent pleasure, and the
moment he walked into the hotel and saw the way the receptionists were dressed,
he knew he had come to the right place. No doubt there were other members of the
Ninety-sixth Congress who fantasized about orgies and altered states. But had
any of them chosen to take the kind of plunge that Charlie Wilson had in mind,
you can be sure they would have gone to some trouble to maintain a low profile,
if not don a disguise.
Instead Charlie strode into the lobby of Caesars almost as if he were trying to
imitate his childhood hero, Douglas MacArthur, majestically stalking ashore to
take back the Philippines. He looked in no way ashamed or uncertain about what
he was doing in this center of gambling and entertainment.
In truth, it wouldn't have been easy for Wilson to fade into any background.
Six foot seven in his cowboy boots, he was handsome, with one of those classic
outdoor faces that tobacco companies bet millions on. And he just didn't have
the heart or the temperament to operate in the shadows; he felt like a soldier
out of uniform when he wasn't wearing his trademark bright suspenders and
boldly striped shirts with their custom- designed military epaulets.
Moreover, Wilson had never been able to shake the politician's impulse to take
center stage. He covered ground rapidly, shoulders back, square jaw jutting
forward. There were no volume controls on his voice as he boomed out greetings
with astonishing clarity-and people in the Caesars lobby turned to see who was
making such a stir. He looked like a millionaire, but the truth was, after
eight years in the Texas legislature and almost as many in the House, he had
nothing to show for his efforts but debt and a $70,000-a-year government salary
that didn't come near to supporting his lifestyle.
Along the way, however, Wilson had discovered that he didn't need money of his
own to lead a big, glamorous life. The rules governing Congress were far looser
in those days, and he'd become a master at getting others to pick up the tab:
junkets to exotic foreign lands at government expense, campaign chests that
could be tapped to underwrite all manner of entertainments, and, of course, the
boundless generosity of friendly lobbyists, quick to provide the best seats at
his favorite Broadway musicals, dinners at the finest Parisian restaurants, and
romantic late-night boat parties on the Potomac.
All of which explains how the tall, charismatic congressman with the blazing
eyes and the ever-present smile had grown accustomed to moving about the world
with a certain flair. And so as he arrived in Las Vegas, he was observing his
hard-and-fast rule that whenever he traveled, he went first class and tipped
lavishly. The bellhops and receptionists at Caesars loved this, of course, and
Wilson, in turn, appreciated their outfits: little white goddess robes showing
lots of cleavage for the girls, and Roman togas and sandals for the bellhops.
In all of Vegas, there was no place like Caesars Palace in 1980. It was the
first of the great hotel emporiums to be inspired by the fall of a
civilization. Its promoters had had the genius to recognize that the sins of
Rome could seem far more enticing than any contemporary offering; and as the
young Roman in the toga whipped out the gleaming, two-inch-thick golden key to
the Fantasy Suite, he opened a door designed to lead even the most pious of
visitors straight to hell.
Charles Nesbitt Wilson comes from a part of the country very familiar with
Satan. The Second Congressional District lies in the heart of the Bible Belt,
and it may well be that Wilson's Baptist and Pentecostal constituents spend
more time worrying about sin and wrestling with the Devil than just about any
other group of Americans. JESUS IS THE LORD OF LUFKIN reads the huge sign in the
center of the district's biggest city where Wilson maintained a house, on
Crooked Creek Road.
The congressman did at least have one dim justification for being in Las Vegas
that weekend. He could say he was there to help a constituent: the striking
twenty-three-year-old Liz Wickersham, former Miss Georgia, fourth runner-up in
the Miss America contest, soon-to-be Playboy cover girl, and, later, host of a
CNN talk show that an admirer, Ted Turner, would create specifically for her.
The free-spirited Wickersham was the daughter of one of Wilson's main
fund-raisers, Charlie Wickersham, who owned the Ford-Lincoln dealership in
Orange, Texas, where Wilson always got special deals on his huge secondhand
Lincolns. When Liz moved to Washington, her father asked Wilson to show her
around, which he did with great enthusiasm. He even took her to the White
House, where he introduced her to Jimmy Carter, proudly informing him that Liz
Wicker-sham had won the Miss Georgia beauty contest the very year Carter had
been elected president. There was never any question that Wilson would go all
out to promote the career of his friend and fund-raiser's attractive young
daughter. Now, in Vegas, he was doing just that-orchestrating an introduction
to a producer who was casting for a soap opera.
A few months earlier, a young hustler named Paul Brown had approached him about
helping to develop a Dallas-type TV series based on the real political
goings-on in the nation's capital. It wasn't long before Brown had convinced
Wilson to invest most of his savings-$29,000 and to sign on as the show's
consultant. The reason for the Las Vegas weekend was to meet a big-time
Hollywood producer who, Brown claimed, was eager to back the project.
It was a giddy moment for Wilson and Liz as they sat in the Fantasy Suite
talking about a deal that was all but iced. Brown had already persuaded Caesars
to comp the congressman's stay, and now he was making Charlie and Liz feel like
they were the toasts of the town. He had brought up some pretty showgirls, and
before long the whole party was acting as if they were part of a big-time
Hollywood mogul's entourage, knocking back champagne as they congratulated one
another on the deal that was about to be signed and the role that Liz was about
to land.
Two years later, teams of investigators and federal prosecutors would spend
weeks trying to reconstruct exactly what the congressman did that night after
Paul Brown and the other hangers-on left the Fantasy Suite. It almost landed
Wilson in jail. And given the very high wire he later had to walk to avoid
indictment, it's quite astonishing to hear the way he cheerfully describes
those moments in the hot tub that the investigators were never quite able to
document. No matter how much hellish trouble it later caused him, the
congressman leaves the unmistakable impression that he relished every single
moment of his outrageous escapade.
"It was an enormous Jacuzzi," he recalled. "I was in a robe at first because,
after all, I was a congressman. And then everyone disappeared except for two
beautiful, long-legged showgirls with high heels. They were a bit drunk and
flirtatious and they walked right into the water with their high heels on. . .
. The girls had cocaine and the music was loud-Sinatra, 'My Kind of Town.' We
all mellowed out, saying outrageous things to each other. It was total
happiness. And both of them had ten long, red fingernails with an endless supply
of beautiful white powder. It was just tremendous fun-better than anything
you've ever seen in the movies."
As Wilson later framed the episode that almost brought him down, "the Feds
spent a million bucks trying to figure out whether, when those fingernails
passed under my nose, did I inhale or exhale-and I ain't telling."
Other middle-aged men have brought young women to the Fantasy Suite for
activities not unlike Wilson's. But ordinarily there is something a bit
desperate and tawdry about such aging pleasure seekers. It's unlikely that any
of them would be able to talk about their debauchery in such a way that it
would sound almost fresh and innocent. Charlie Wilson, however, had a genius for
getting people to judge him not as a middle-aged scoundrel but instead as if he
were a good-hearted adolescent, guilty of little more than youthful excess.
This survival skill permitted him to routinely do things that no one else in
Congress could have gotten away with. One of the first to marvel at this unique
capacity to openly flaunt the rules was the young Diane Sawyer, who met Wilson
in 1980 when she was just beginning her career as a network correspondent. "He
was just untamed," she recalled, "tall and gangly and wild-like a kid before
they discovered Ritalin. He had this ungoverned enthusiasm, and it extended to
women and the world."
The congressman was like no one Sawyer had met in Washington. He was simply
outrageous. Sawyer recalled the experience of driving with Charlie in his big
old Continental on one of their few dinner dates: "Going down Connecticut
Avenue with him, I felt as if we could have been driving into any American
Graffiti hamburger place."
When Wilson was first elected to Congress, he'd persuaded a distinguished
college professor, Charles Simpson, to leave academia and sign on as his
administrative assistant. Simpson says Wilson was the brightest person he's
ever worked with: "He had an uncanny ability to take a complex issue, break it
down, get all the bullshit out, and deliver the heart of it. There's no question
he could have been anything he wanted to be. His goal was to become secretary of
defense. Certainly he intended to run for the Senate."
But Simpson gradually came to believe that his boss had a fatal flaw. That
failing was perfectly summed up in a fitness report written by Wilson's
commanding officer in the navy in the late 1950s: "Charlie Wilson is the best
officer who ever served under me at sea and undoubtedly the worst in port."
There was little question in Simpson's mind in those days that his boss had a
drinking problem. As with many alcoholics, it was not immediately noticeable;
Wilson had an uncanny ability to consume enormous quantities of Scotch and seem
unaffected. Also, he was a happy drunk who told wonderful stories and made
everyone laugh. On the occasions when drinking would get to him, Simpson says,
"Wilson would simply lie down on the floor for an hour, wake up, and act as if
he had just had twelve hours of sleep. It was the most unreal thing I'd ever
seen. He'd do this at his own parties-just sleep for an hour with everything
going on around him, then get up and start again."
Most of the 435 members of Congress lead surprisingly anonymous lives in
Washington. They are, of course, celebrities of sorts in their own districts,
but the reality of life in the capital is that all but a few will leave
Washington without much of anyone knowing they had been there. Wilson, in
contrast, had begun to attract a great deal of media attention by the early
1980s, albeit the kind that any other politician would have considered the kiss
of death. The gossip columnists called him "Good-Time Charlie," and they had a
good time themselves describing the parade of beauty queens he escorted to
White House receptions and fancy embassy parties. One Texas newspaper called him
"the biggest playboy in Congress." The Washington Post featured a picture of
Wilson and House Majority Leader Jim Wright saddled up on white horses, riding
down Pennsylvania Avenue to a nightclub Wilson had just invested in. The Dallas
Morning News observed that there were more congressmen on the floor of Wilson's
disco, Élan ("a club for the dashing" was its motto), than you were ever likely
to find on the floors of Congress. When challenged about his lifestyle, Wilson
replied good-naturedly, "Why should I go around looking like a constipated hound
dog? I'm having the time of my life."
In truth, at age forty-seven, in his fourth term in office, Charlie Wilson was
completely lost. Public officials are forever doing stupid things, but they
don't step into hot tubs with naked women and cocaine unless they are driven to
play Russian roulette with their careers. And it was hard not to conclude that
this recently divorced congressman was a man in free fall, programmed for
disaster.
Wilson himself would later say, "I was caught up in the longest midlife crisis
in history. I wasn't hurting anybody, but I sure was aimless." If Charlie
Wilson's midlife crisis had thrown him off course, it was nothing compared to
the crisis America was going through. The night Wilson checked into Caesars
Palace, Ted Koppel had opened his Nightline broadcast with a disturbing
refrain: "Good evening. Tonight is the two hundred and thirty-seventh night of
captivity for the hostages in Tehran." The United States, with its $200 billion
annual defense budget, couldn't even force a taunting Third World nation to turn
over fifty hostages. And then, when it finally screwed up its courage to mount a
rescue mission, the whole world watched the humiliating spectacle of Desert
One, as a U.S. helicopter pilot lost his vision in a blinding dust cloud and
rammed into a parked plane, leaving eight soldiers dead and the rescue mission
aborted.
Over and over again it was said that "Vietnam syndrome" had infected the spirit
of America. And by the summer of 1980 a growing number of conservatives, led by
Ronald Reagan, had begun to warn that the Soviet Union might have achieved
nuclear superiority, that a "window of opportunity" had been opened in which
the Soviets could launch and win a nuclear war. Other voices added to the
unease, claiming that the KGB had infiltrated most Western intelligence services
and that they were mounting devastatingly effective "disinformation" campaigns,
which were blinding America to the danger it faced.
To the president at the time, Jimmy Carter, this kind of extreme worst-case
thinking had created what he called "America's paranoid fear of Communism." A
born-again Christian, a onetime peanut farmer and former governor of Georgia,
Carter had almost no experience in foreign affairs when he ran for president,
but he had won over an American public still traumatized by Vietnam and
Watergate. The intelligence scandals in the late 1970s had only reinforced the
widespread suspicion that the CIA was out of control-a virtual government
within the government. Vowing "never to lie" to the American public and to
introduce a new morality in Washington, Carter had all but promised an end to
the CIA's dirty tricks.
Once in office, President Carter moved to discipline the Agency, coming close
to suggesting that it was time to stop conducting covert operations altogether.
Continues...
Excerpted from Charlie Wilson's War
by George Crile
Copyright © 2003 by George Crile
Excerpted by permission. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Copyright © 2003
George Crile
All right reserved.